How Olive Grove Academy Prepares Students for U.S. College Life
Globally, elite schools play a significant role in preparing their students for success in international college especially in a globalized world . After reviewing the transcripts of alums who attended Olive Grove Academy in Jordan, I was intrigued by the prominent patterns that arose. The three alums transcripts I analyzed attended Olive Grove Academy before moving on to participate in prestigious colleges in the United States. The students attended Colby, Bates, and Johns Hopkins three academically rigorous schools displaying acceptance rates below 13%. While Olive Grove has an esteemed reputation, all the students discussed academic and social challenges they faced during their transition to college in the USA.
For instance, the student who attended Colby shared that his journey was particularly tough due to his prior experiences at Deerfield for high school and then returning home for a gap year at Olive Grove Academy. He shared that academic rigor was less intense at Olive Grove. Ultimately, his gap year at Olive Grove between Deerfield and Colby affected his motivation, but eventually, he regained motivation when he discovered his passion for Art History.
Conversely, an alum who attended Bates experienced a much smoother transition. She credited the smooth transition to the similarities between Olive Grove and Bates in that they both offer small class structures. The Bates alum also emphasized how Olive Grove offers Advanced Placement courses, which allowed her to be exempt from introductory classes at Bates, allowing her the freedom to focus on courses that she had a genuine interest in. The last alum who attended Johns Hopkins explained that he encountered significant challenges because Johns Hopkins focuses on self-directed learning. In order for him to thrive in this new academic environment, he had to adapt his learning style to what Johns Hopkins offered.
Throughout these interviews, I noticed themes regarding social class and mobility. Two middle- class students shared that even though Olive Grove is an elite institution, it created a space that helped bridge economic disparities among its students. One alum shared that when he attended college, his friend group was initially influenced by social class. However, over time, the class distinctions faded as college included students from a variety of backgrounds. Additionally, another student from a lower-class background got the opportunity to attend Olive Grove because of his parents’ financial sacrifices. He shared the stark cultural challenges he faced in college surrounding differences in spending habits, housing, and lifestyle.
These alumni narratives illustrate that education transcends academics. They reveal the complex interplay between education, culture, and social class in shaping the experiences of these international students in the U.S . While Olive Grove Academy laid a solid foundation, the majority of their learning occurred through the challenges they described in college, such as the different learning styles and having to navigate a different culture and adapt. These examples highlight the principle of education as a vital tool for personal and social growth.
I observed in my research that all of these students displayed ambition, adaptability, and resilience. Olive Grove can’t provide all of the tools for American elite universities in the same way that American preparatory schools can. It definitely equipped the students with a foundation. In turn, this gives them the valuable tools necessary for transitioning to elite colleges. Olive Grove’s framework encourages students to foster their sense of autonomy as well as seek out new opportunities. This connects back to our research paper, which examines how Olive Grove Academy prepares students to become democratic leaders. I believe that while Olive Grove offers a strong groundwork, it is the students’ navigation and application of the groundwork that helps shape them into democratic leaders.
Almost universally across all elite schools, the practice of community service appears to be a fundamental value. But has anyone ever really asked the question why? What exactly is the purpose of emphasizing community service in the context of an elite education? More specifically, I want to consider this idea with respect to Olive Grove Academy, an elite boarding school in Jordan.
At Olive Grove Academy, community service is undeniably more than just an extracurricular activity. Integrated into governing principles, it is embedded into their school identity. But does this commitment to service truly foster democratic leadership, or is it simply an extension of elite education, preparing students for philanthropic responsibility rather than systemic change?
Upon closer look, the answer is not simply one or the other. Based on student and alumni interviews, service at Olive Grove Academy does seem effective at exposing students to social inequalities. However, it’s not always long lasting and students’ motivation for civic engagement is often not aligned with that of democratic leaders. We will take a look at both perspectives to better understand its role, but a quick note before doing so is that while community service is highly encouraged, it is not mandatory. The school does everything in its power to enable students to participate in service initiatives, sponsoring and facilitating all sorts of opportunities, but students don’t technically have to engage if they do not want to (although most students do actively participate).
Now, as mentioned previously, community service is an effective way to expose Olive Grove Academy students to social inequalities. As an elite institution, this breaks students out of the so-called “bubble” of privilege, even if only temporarily, that the students are fully surrounded by at the school — one of the most significant ways that community service fosters democratic leadership at Olive Grove Academy. One student highlighted how it increased her awareness of economic and educational disparities while another mentioned gaining a deeper understanding of the meaning of systemic injustice. These experiences emphasize the mental push that community service gives students to think critically about their own role in the social problems they are encountering — a core part of what democratic leadership means.
Students’ experiences fundamentally shape the way in which they reflect on privilege and responsibility, and several different students note that volunteering made them more conscious of the advantages and opportunities they were offered. Additionally, the student-led community service programs that Olive Grove Academy supports gives students the chance to be able to actively take on a leadership position for a social initiative that is impactful to them. This serves to add deeper layers to students’ learning experience.
For instance, two students talk about independent service programs they initiated, which include a charity event for local causes and an online program to teach Arabic to non-native speakers. Through these experiences, Olive Grove Academy students are not only introduced to democratic values of equity and civic engagement but are also given opportunities to practice leadership in tangible ways.
Although community service at Olive Grove Academy, in many ways, does seem to encourage democratic leadership, a lot of students do also recognize it as an extension of elite education, reinforcing privilege rather than actually challenging systemic inequality. More than one student admitted that volunteering, while impactful, primarily functions for them as a resume-building tool rather than a true motivation to better a community and make social change. Similarly, a student noted that most of her classmates only participate in community service because it is expected of them, either by the school, peers, or family, highlighting the importance of community service on college applications.
With a lack of personal conviction at heart, long-term commitment to these projects is almost unheard of. Very few are invested enough to actually get involved or take direct action to address the issues they are exposed to — the bread and butter of true democratic leadership. In the big picture, students do walk away from their experiences with a sense of social responsibility. However, the student testimony makes it hard to ignore how the inherent structure of Olive Grove Academy as an elite institution reinforces philanthropic engagement over true, and genuine political action.
As a third party getting to look at this picture from a perspective that has no direct personal stake in the matter, it might be easy to make a judgement or conclusion about what you think. But, in all reality, this exists at the intersection of democratic and elite education, meaning that both perspectives don’t necessarily need to be mutually exclusive. It is very likely that every student’s experience is different, whether it be one way or the other, or even some combination of both. For this reason, it is impossible to come up with a “one size fits all” answer. However, Olive Grove Academy’s approach to service reflects a broader tension within elite education, introducing students to social responsibility but stopping short of dismantling the power structures that create inequality in the first place. Thus, it is essentially left to the students at this point. Every student is different therefore the effectiveness of community service in a school encouraging democratic leadership is entirely dependent on how deeply students choose to internalize and interact with the lessons they learn in the classroom and the world.
While going through the transcripts of the alums from Sankofa International College (SIC), a prominent theme surfaced: their mutual path toward attaining higher education in the United States, with the eventual intention of returning to Ghana after completing their studies. Both alumni conveyed a profound connection to their homeland and a sense of obligation to aid its progress. This feeling seems to be cultivated by their education at SIC. The curriculum at SIC powerfully highlights Pan-Africanism; Hakim Adi, a British historian and scholar specializing in African affairs, describes Pan-Africanism as “a belief in the unity, common history, and common purpose of the peoples of Africa and the African diaspora and the notion that their destinies are interconnected” (p. 2). This principle is not merely presented as a theoretical idea but is woven into the school’s mission, influencing students’ perspectives and goals. By promoting an understanding of African history, culture, and the socio-political challenges African nations encounter, SIC fosters a dedication to the continent’s development.
This feeling of dedication is apparent in the career goals of the alums. One alumnus linked their long-term goal to Ghana’s economic growth, stating, “… in the long term, I want to go back to Ghana and start my own oil and exploration business.” The other alumni admitted to feeling unsure about their future profession but still viewed returning home as the most practical choice, stating, “There are a lot of paths that I might take, but I am not sure. I think the feasible one would be to go back to Ghana and go to law school.” These remarks demonstrate how SIC’s Pan-African ideology and personal and family factors influence students’ ambitions—ultimately enhancing their commitment to aiding Ghana’s progress after completing their studies overseas.
The interviewees indicated that their career decisions were greatly influenced by their families’ preferences rather than their own individual ambitions. Many experienced pressure to enter fields recognized as more secure, esteemed, or financially beneficial by their parents or relatives. For example, one interviewee once wanted to be an aeronautical engineer but eventually changed their focus to petroleum engineering based on their mother’s recommendation. They mentioned, “I wanted to be an aeronautical engineer, but my mother told me to look at petroleum because it is a profitable industry, and at that time there was a lot of job security.” This advice changed their career path and influenced their broader viewpoint, as they rationalized the choice by stressing the financial advantages of petroleum engineering and its impact on Africa’s development when they returned. Similarly, family ties largely shaped another interviewee’s college choice. They mentioned that they only looked at Mount Holyoke because their cousin attended the institution, implying that family influence reached beyond career choices to decisions regarding education as well. However, they applied to other institutions but did not get into them. This trend underscores how significantly family expectations mold career and academic trajectories, occasionally restricting the pursuit of alternative paths that might better resonate with an individual’s interests and goals.
Overall, the experiences of SIC alumni demonstrate how Pan-Africanism strongly shaped their goals and sense of duty to the advancement of Ghana. Their desire to return home is motivated by their education at SIC and family expectations, which greatly influence their academic and professional decisions. While some graduates welcome these influences, others balance the demands of their families with their own goals. In the end, the difficulties of identity, education, and duty in a globalized world are reflected in their experiences.
Resources:
“Pan-Africanism.” Google Books, Google, books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=ow5kDwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PP1&dq=what%2Bis%2Bpan%2Bafricanism&ots=FFJTHJhcBi&sig=R8AV2ujYnlaR89pP4VRlL5y6LAA#v=onepage&q=what%20is%20pan%20africanism&f=false. Accessed 5 Mar. 2025.
This phrase is what a student from the Croft school, an elite school in Chile, explicitly mentioned in an interview when asked about their school experience. This student is not alone in these feelings of isolation. In fact, when speaking with students attending global elite high schools this was a common theme. But why is this the case? Elite schools are supposed to give students all of the tools they need to succeed. They pride themselves on being above other schools and even their own geographic communities, creating physical, mental, and emotional separation. While this sense of “eliteness” is coveted, it has certain effects on the students and community of the school. What is the impact of this isolation and separation on those students?
The Croft school lacks socioeconomic and ethnic diversity. As mentioned by many students, the Croft school feels like a bubble. It provides a sense of security for students, but also keeps them away from other parts of society. Student A, a 17-year-old who has attended the Croft School for 12 years, commented that her friend group is entirely made up of similar ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds. Students at the Croft school are not exposed to people from different social classes, primarily because of the no scholarship policy. The interactions that students have with different socioeconomic classes are either through community service or those that work or clean the school or their houses.
When asked, one student had no idea if there was any diversity at the Croft school, and assumed that everyone there was equally as wealthy as she was. She states, “Croft students don’t have friends in the poorer parts of the city.” There are massive separations between the school, and lower social classes, seen both geographically and through the students’ opinions and perspectives. This creates a strong division between wealthy, elite students, and lower-class citizens. It impacts day-to-day life, separating social life by social class.
Another student mentions the Croft school itself is divided into three main groups, primarily separated by social class, separating the elite among the elite. At the top of the Croft school are the jocks or popular guys and girls. This category is seen as the richest, must play sports, and seem to be at school more for social endeavors than wanting to further their education. In the second group are the “neutrals,” who will accept anybody. This subclass is once again elite in terms of Chilean society, but not wealthy or privileged enough to be in the popular group. Finally on the bottom of the Croft social pyramid are the geeks, made fun of for their commitment to school. The student mentions there is usually some intergroup mingling as they have grown up together, but there are many, primarily in the popular group who refuse to talk to those not in their group. Even though students attending Croft school are almost all in the top 1% of wealth in Chile, there are still sub-hierarchies and similarities between Chilean society and the elite school.
Students seem to be divided into two main categories. The first is happy with the way the Croft school operates and has no desire to interact or explore social class. The second, which is the larger of the two groups, has a desire to break free from this bubble. While most love the Croft School, there are entrenched feelings of isolation from the rest of society. Most of these students have attended the same school with the same people for longer than 10 years. With intense academic pressure and stress, accompanied by social pressure and wealth being a norm and expectation, students have little understanding of the outside world.
Returning to my first question, the impact of isolation and this bubble-like state of living creates an unhealthy dynamic for students in elite schooling. Especially when branding as a “global” school, these institutions must provide opportunities for students to witness and explore social class dynamics outside of the small community they are living in. A few ways to do this are by diversifying the school through scholarship programs, letting students leave the Croft school and enter the city, and having school and class-sanctioned discussions on what social class is and why it exists.
Throughout the interview analysis process one of the overarching themes that came through was how students at the Croft School felt as though their school was a “bubble” separating them from the outside world. Aside from the figurative “bubble” that Croft School students described, the physical location of the school also serves as a means of isolation from people from different socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds. The effects of socioeconomic and ethnic diversity between the Croft School and the rest of the community has resulted in societal divides. These societal consequences have been felt not only within the student body at the Croft School, but within the larger community as well. There were two main societal consequences that were caused by the school and students being closed-off from the outside community. The first was a lack of opportunities for Croft students to interact with people from different class or ethnic backgrounds. This led to the second impact: a misunderstanding of the value of money and hard work.
The homogenous nature of the school led the students to express a lack of opportunities to interact with people from different class or ethnic backgrounds. Often the students recounted how their first interactions with people from different class backgrounds were when they went to exchange programs abroad or when they went to university. One of the main reasons why students were not exposed to socioeconomically or ethnically diverse students was the exclusionary nature of their school.
The exclusionary nature of the Croft School is a result of the fact that it does not offer scholarships. If a student is unable to pay the tuition then they are unable to attend. It seems clear that The Croft School is attempting to create an isolated and exclusive school environment for its students. If there was a true desire by the school to have a diverse student body then it would offer tuition scholarships to give disadvantaged students who otherwise would not be able to afford the lofty tuition the opportunity to attend.
Being set apart from students from different class backgrounds leads to a larger misunderstanding about the value of money for Croft students. In many of the interviews analyzed students expressed how they were unsure how much they spent in a week. For many students going out to eat and spending money was a daily occurrence. There wasn’t a need to consciously think about how much money they were spending and how it was going to affect them. This misconception about the value of money brings to light a larger question about whether these students understand the relationship between money and hard work. Many students do not work outside jobs so they can focus on their academics. As a result, many students do not know the larger value that money holds as coming from hours of hard work. I attribute this lack of understanding of the value of money and hard work to the larger isolation of the school and its students from the greater community.
The inability for students of The Croft School to experience socioeconomic and ethnic diversity as a result of the school’s exclusionary practices leads to larger misunderstandings of the value of money and hard work. It is not until these students meet peers from different socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds that they start to gain this appreciation. However, I worry that by the time these students get to high school or university it is too late. If the Croft School and its students continue to limit interactions with people from different backgrounds it won’t only lead to this misunderstanding of the value of money and hard work, but it will also lead to a superiority mindset and further class reproduction in Chile.
